Lysistratic nonaction, or sex strike This is part of a series on nonviolent protest methods, which explains approaches and provides inspirational examples from history. For additional resources, please explore the Museum of Protest's activist guides and view items in the collection.As a protest method, Lysistratic nonaction functions by harnessing the influence of personal relationships.Those engaging in a sex strike (historically, most often women) collectively abstain from sexual intimacy with their partners to pressure the opposing party – typically men in positions of power or combatants in a conflict – to comply with a desired change.The underlying logic is that by denying something deeply personal, protesters can compel reluctant parties to negotiate or act. It is a dramatic form of social noncooperation: instead of cooperation in public life or commerce, it withdraws cooperation in the private, domestic sphere. This method has been noted as particularly effective in traditional, patriarchal societies where women's social influence may be limited to familial and intimate roles.By collectively refusing to fulfill expected sexual (and sometimes domestic) duties, marginalized groups can assert power and disrupt the status quo without violence. The very unconventional nature of a sex strike often garners significant media attention, amplifying its impact and putting public pressure on the target of the protest.Importantly, Lysistratic nonaction is typically a group action – its effectiveness relies on solidarity. A lone individual refusing intimacy might face private consequences, but a large coalition doing so transforms a personal choice into a public statement.Origins of the Term "Lysistratic"The term "Lysistratic" comes from the ancient Greek play Lysistrata by Aristophanes, first performed in 411 BCE. In this famous anti-war comedy, Lysistrata convinces the women of Athens and Sparta to withhold sex from their husbands until the men agree to end the Peloponnesian War. The play humorously depicts the immense frustration of the warriors and ultimately shows the tactic succeeding – peace is brokered when the men, driven to desperation, finally negotiate an end to the conflict. While Aristophanes' story was fictional and meant as satire, it highlighted a real insight: even in a male-dominated society, women could exert influence by collectively making "the personal political." The very idea of a female sex strike was outrageous for its time, which is why the play used it for comedic effect. Yet, the concept resonated strongly enough that "Lysistratic nonaction" entered the lexicon to describe real-world protests of this kind. The play's legacy underscores the power of creativity in protest – turning an intimate act into a bargaining chip for peace was novel in theater, and later became an inspiration for actual social movements. Today, any organized sex strike is often informally nicknamed a "Lysistrata" in reference to this ancient origin.Notable Historical ExamplesLysistratic nonaction may sound like a rare or peculiar tactic, but there have been several instances across different eras and social contexts where it was deliberately used to advance a cause. Below we explore a few notable examples, from traditional societies to modern political movements, to see how sex strikes have been implemented and what they achieved.Pre-Colonial Nigeria: Igbo Women's StrikesLong before modern political movements, the idea of women collectively leveraging their domestic roles appeared in various cultures. Among the Igbo people of Nigeria in pre-colonial times, women had an organized tradition of dealing with male misconduct through social withdrawal. They formed a women's council (headed by a leader called the Agba Ekwe) that could order a "strike" by all women to punish men for serious offenses like abuse. During these strikes, Igbo women would refuse all sexual, domestic, and maternal duties – essentially halting the functioning of family life until the men's behavior changed. In extreme cases, the women would even leave the village entirely, taking nursing infants with them and socially ostracizing the men until their grievances were addressed. This collective action was greatly feared by Igbo men; it served as a powerful social sanction. The Igbo example shows that the principle of Lysistratic nonaction – denying sex and caretaking as protest – has deep roots in traditional society. It was effective because it hit offenders on multiple levels: personally, by removing companionship and intimacy, and communally, by shaming them in the eyes of the whole community. Such historical practices demonstrate that even without formal political rights, women found creative means to influence governance and justice within their societies."Women of Liberia" and the 2003 Peace CampaignOne of the most frequently cited modern examples of a sex strike helping to drive change occurred in Liberia, West Africa, in 2003. After years of brutal civil war, a coalition of Christian and Muslim women in Liberia came together as the Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace to demand an end to the conflict. As part of their campaign of prayers, protests, and sit-ins, these women announced a sex strike, urging all wives and girlfriends of warring factions to refuse sex until the fighting stopped. Dressed in white, they gathered in Monrovia's fish market daily, singing and holding signs for peace. The sex boycott was one strategy among many (and was largely symbolic), but it garnered worldwide media attention and highlighted the women's desperation for peace. Ultimately, the persistent pressure from the women's movement forced Liberia's male leaders to the negotiating table. A peace agreement was reached that year, effectively ending the Second Liberian Civil War. Shortly thereafter, Liberia elected its first female head of state, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, and activist Leymah Gbowee, one of the movement's leaders, was awarded the 2011 Nobel Peace Prize for her role in mobilizing women for peace. Gbowee later noted that the sex strike's real value was in drawing media coverage to their cause, rather than in directly forcing the men to make peace, but it became a memorable symbol of the women's resolve. The Liberian example shows Lysistratic nonaction being used in a high-stakes national conflict – a dramatic illustration of women using every tool available to end a war.Kenya 2009: A Call for Political UnityIn April 2009 in Kenya, women's organizations decided to invoke Lysistratic nonaction to address a political deadlock. The country's President (Mwai Kibaki) and Prime Minister (Raila Odinga) were embroiled in a bitter feud that threatened to destabilize the coalition government formed after post-election violence in 2007. In protest of the political infighting, a broad coalition of Kenyan women's groups, including activists and even the spouses of some politicians, organized a week-long sex strike aimed at pressuring the men to resolve their disputes. They even implored the First Lady of Kenya and the wife of the Prime Minister to join the boycott, and offered to compensate sex workers for lost income so that the strike could be all-inclusive. This bold initiative, though short-lived, received extensive media coverage and sparked conversations in Kenya about the influence of women in politics. While a one-week sex strike by itself did not instantly transform the political landscape, it served as a potent message against political stagnation. Within months, Kenya's rival leaders did recommit to working together, and the coalition government stabilized. Organizers of the strike credited it with helping shame the politicians into realizing the personal and social costs of their bickering. The Kenyan sex strike demonstrated how even in a modern state, traditional forms of protest could be repurposed to address governance issues – in this case, essentially telling leaders that "if you guys won't fix the country, we won't fulfill our traditional roles at home." It was a nonpartisan appeal for unity, using an unconventional pressure point to make the public and leaders pay attention."Crossed Legs" Strikes in ColombiaColombia has seen a couple of noteworthy instances of Lysistratic nonaction in the 21st century, in very different contexts. In 2006, in the city of Pereira, dozens of wives and girlfriends of gang members launched what they called the "strike of crossed legs" to curb rampant gang violence. The city had suffered an epidemic of murders linked to gang warfare (around 480 gang-related deaths in the prior year). The women's campaign declared that they would withhold sex until their partners put down their guns. This unusual tactic sent a message that violence was decidedly "not sexy" – gang members who continued fighting would also find themselves cut off from affection. Remarkably, over the next few years, Pereira saw a steep decline in its murder rate, dropping by over 26% – the sharpest decline in Colombia at the time. While many factors likely contributed to reduced violence, locals acknowledged that the women's strike had a significant impact on community attitudes.A few years later, in 2011, another group of Colombian women applied a sex strike to a very different problem: a neglected road. In the small town of Barbacoas (southwestern Colombia), the only road connecting the community to the outside world had deteriorated so badly that it became nearly impassable, endangering travel and access to goods. After seeing no action from authorities – and little urgency from their own husbands – a group of Barbacoas women formed the "Crossed Legs Movement." They announced that no women in the town would have sex with their partners until the road was repaired. At first, many local men reportedly laughed off or even opposed the idea, but the women persisted, gaining national attention for their cause. The sex strike lasted an astounding 112 days, after which the Colombian government finally dispatched crews and funding to begin fixing the road. Only once official construction was underway did the women happily call off their strike. This creative protest garnered international media coverage for a basic infrastructure issue, proving how effective Lysistratic nonaction can be at drawing attention. The Barbacoas "crossed legs" strike is often cited as a successful grassroots use of the tactic – a community of rural women, with few resources, managed to embarrass officials into action by using what leverage they had: intimacy and public attention.Ending Conflict in a Philippine VillageAnother powerful example comes from the Philippines in 2011, where a sex strike helped bring peace to a village caught in the middle of a war. In the village of Dado on Mindanao island, chronic fighting between two rival communities (aligned with opposing sides of a separatist rebellion) had shut down the only road, cutting the villagers off from markets and supplies. Frustrated by the violence and its effects on daily life, the women of Dado – many of whom were part of a local sewing cooperative – agreed among themselves to withhold sex from their husbands until the men stopped shooting at each other. This Lysistrata-style intervention worked more quickly than anyone expected. Within less than a week of the women's abstinence campaign, the men from both sides grew tired of the standoff and entered negotiations to settle their dispute. The road was reopened and peace (at least in that village) was restored. According to reports from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, this "modern day Lysistrata" showed that even in a context of armed rebellion, women could influence fighters by leveraging their role in the family. The success was celebrated not only for ending the clashes, but also for empowering the women of the village – it demonstrated their agency in peacebuilding. The Mindanao sex strike underscores how Lysistratic nonaction can be a pragmatic tool for peace on a small scale, literally making love (or the withholding of it) a path to ending war.Many other instances have been recorded worldwide – from a week-long strike by women in Togo in 2012 calling for the president's resignation, to calls for "no sex" protests in South Sudan to spur peace talks, and even tongue-in-cheek proposals in western countries. The examples above, however, illustrate the range of contexts – from domestic safety and community issues to national politics and war – in which Lysistratic nonaction has been tried, with varying degrees of success.Using Lysistratic Nonaction in Modern MovementsGiven these historical examples, how can Lysistratic nonaction be applied most effectively today? While a sex strike is not a common or first-resort tactic, it remains a compelling strategy under certain conditions. Modern activists considering this method have learned a few key lessons from past successes and failures:Make It Part of a Broader Campaign: Sex strikes tend to work best when combined with other forms of protest and organization. For instance, in Liberia the sex strike went hand-in-hand with daily peaceful demonstrations and pressuring of officials. By itself, a sex boycott can signal seriousness, but it may not be sufficient to win a victory unless it's supported by negotiations, publicity, or other noncooperation methods.Ensure Widespread Solidarity: A Lysistratic action relies on collective commitment. The more people participate, the greater the pressure and impact. Organizers often seek broad coalitions – in Kenya, activists even reached out to the wives of the president and prime minister to join the strike. Inclusivity (across ethnic, religious, or class lines) can make the statement stronger. If only a few individuals take part, those few may be isolated or ignored; unity is crucial.Target the Right Audience: This method is most effective when the people whose behavior you want to change actually value or desire the protesters' cooperation (in this case, intimacy and companionship). In a context where, say, authorities or fighters don't care about the goodwill of their partners, a sex strike won't bite. The Igbo women's strikes worked because men greatly feared losing the women's presence in the community. Likewise, the Colombian gang members cared about their girlfriends' approval, and the village men in the Philippines valued their marriages enough to lay down arms. In choosing Lysistratic nonaction, activists must gauge whether the opposing side will be susceptible to this unique form of pressure.Leverage the Media (but Be Prepared for Criticism): Sex strikes are attention-grabbing and often viewed as newsworthy due to their unconventional nature. This can be a huge advantage – the novelty of the tactic often draws reporters and public interest, amplifying the protesters' message (as seen in Liberia and Colombia). However, with attention can come controversy. Some critics argue that sex strikes reinforce gender stereotypes (suggesting women's value lies only in sex) or might alienate potential allies. For example, when a U.S. actress called for a sex strike in 2019 to protest restrictive abortion laws, it sparked debate even among women's rights supporters, with some feeling the tactic was counterproductive or exclusionary. Modern movements should be ready to handle mixed public reactions – framing the protest not as withholding affection punitively, but as withholding participation in injustice. Emphasizing the higher purpose and agency of those striking can help counter negative perceptions.Respect Personal Agency and Safety: Because it operates in the intimate realm, Lysistratic nonaction must be voluntary and bottom-up. Participants should choose freely to take part, and organizers must be mindful of personal circumstances. In some cases, refusing conjugal relations could provoke anger or even violence from partners. Successful sex strikes, like those in our examples, often occurred in environments where women could support and protect each other (for instance, meeting collectively, or having community enforcement of the strike). Ensuring a safe environment and mutual support network for participants is a critical factor in making this method viable.In summary, Lysistratic nonaction can be most effective today when it is strategically deployed: it should speak to the cultural context, involve a united front of participants, and be one element of a larger nonviolent movement. When those conditions are met, a sex strike can highlight issues in a way few other protests can, by dramatizing the link between the public goal and private lives of those involved.